Advanced Democracy Closes the DTP

Obama's advanced democracy has closed down the DTP. DTP has been the single voice of North Kurdistan that is in the parliament. Apparently that was too much for Kurds. Lesson learned, AGAIN.

The supporters of fascist Turkish state keep talking about how PKK uses children in demonstrations. Mithat Sancar recently wrote a piece in which he touches upon this issue:

Without understanding the sociology and psychology that created PKK it doesn't seem possible to find a proper and practical method for ending violence. If the environment to discuss everything openly and the hope for peace was not undermined, we would be objectively discussing the PKK issue today.

What would be the tangible benefits of this [discussing the PKK reality]? First, we could understand what a superficial perspective it is to explain the scary scenes on the street based on the centimeter calculation of Öcalan's cell. A reflection of this perspective is trying to analyze every development through Öcalan's personal and PKK's organizational structure. When this is the case, the structure, perception, and properties of the masses responding to Öcalan's and PKK's calls are missed.

Majority of people throwing Molotov cocktails and destroying stuff are 15/20 years old kids/lads. Who are these people really? The answer is evident to those who are familiar with the issue: these people are those we call as "90's generation". These are kids who were born when thousands of villages were razed and families were thrown onto the streets; these are kids who opened their eyes as the children, brothers, relatives of the over 17 thousand people who were victims of extrajudicial killings [in the hands of the state security forces] and grew up as such. These are children whose conditions for a decent life were destroyed and who were denied everything but anger.

It seems these people see Öcalan as an "identity reference" and PKK as a "guarantee of existence". This is the main identifier for their compliance to Öcalan's calls and owning up to the PKK. Without seeing this and trying to explain the issue with "cult and obedience culture" makes it impossible to find a solution to Kurdish and PKK question.

The observation above is actually over simplification. Let's not forget the other oppressed people, friends and relatives of everyone associated with people who are in the Kurdish struggle.

Attacks against the DTP and its politicians and finally DTP's closure is official confirmation from the Turkish state that Kurdish people need to have their own defence forces, the HPG.

I am a Turk, I am true, and my state is guilty

Some important facts to consider when discussing the Kurdish issue, especially in the lights of the recent events. Below is partial translation of an opinion piece by Roni Margulies. You can read the fully text (in Turkish) here.

Roni Margulies - 28.10.2009

Among all these words of "friendship", "brotherhood", and "living together", there is a reality that goes unnoticed, unmentioned. The answer of the most fundamental question is being forgotten.

The question is this: Why did Kurds go up to the mountains?

The answer is obvious: Because of the policies of the Turkish state.

Probably not because they are fond of clean air and they like to die by getting bombarded while exercising in the arms of mother nature.

If there wasn't denial, oppression, humiliation, and violent policies of the state, neither "friendship" and "brotherhood" nor arrivals from the Habur [the border gate between Iraq and Turkey] would come up. We would be living without any trouble and not commit unapproved activities. Some of us would still be struggling against this state but the words "Kurd" and "Turk" would not be present in this struggle.

In short, the answer to the question "who is guilty" is "the state of Turkey".

When one forgets this basic question and its answer, it becomes easy to blame DTP of making a "show", bad mouth PKK because it's not laying down arms, and have a problem with every word Ahmet Türk or Emine Ayna [co-chairs of DTP] says. It's also easier to complain about nationalistic inclinations among Kurds. It's easy to cry for the pain of the families of martyrs [Turkish]. It's easy to talk about how wrong armed politics and all nationatilisms are.

Talk is cheap but let's not forget this: the only reason for the problems Turks have among themselves for the past 25 years and Kurds have among themselves for the past 80 years is the state of Turkey. Moreover it's not the "old state" in the Armenian issue but the current state that has been slapping our necks.

This state is responsible and guilty for the martyrs, turning a large portion of the country into a war zone and making it poor, and cutting from health and education services and pouring the money into war.

If Turkish writers, reporters, and politicians remember this fact before they criticize and blame Kurdish organizations and establishments, the [Democratic] Opening will have more chance of being successful. The Opening's success will be guaranteed if every morning kids say "I am a Turk, I am true, I am a hard worker, and the state is guilty of war" [this is a reference to the pledge of allegiance children must say every morning].

There is no need to remind Kurds of this. I don't think they have the slightest doubt about why their children went to the mountains.

Kurds not only know why those who went up the mountains did so but also what they have accomplished today.

[...]

It's not right to do politics based on ethnicity, fine. Using weapons is wrong in every situation, alright. One must object to every kind of violence, good.

[...]

So tell me, what other choice did Kurds have? What other choice the Turkish state left them?

They used the only choice they had, they went up to the mountains. And they succeeded. Now they are celebrating.

Those who finds Kurds' celebrations inappropriate should briefly think who is the guilty one.

Kurdish civilians are getting attacked and told to leave the western cities in Turkey. They had to go to those cities because the state burned down their villages and evacuated them.

The Kurds must unite!

Give us the roadmap!

KCK Executive Council's leader Mr. Murat Karayılan spoke to Firat News Agency on 07 September 2009. Below is partial translation of the text. Full text of the interview can be read here.

Karayılan: Give us the roadmap [Öcalan's]!

HALİT ERMİŞ-ANF

Behdinan, 07 September 2009

The leader of the KCK Executive Council, Murat Karayılan asked that the roadmap submitted by Kurdish Leader Abdullah Öcalan be handed to them. Not receiving the roadmap could impact the unilateral conflict avoidance phase which is in effect by the PKK. Karayılan said "This is necessary for the conflict-avoidance to continue" and invited the government to take risks "for turning a historical page". Karayılan, who answered ANF's questions proposed [Nelson] Mandela and South Africa as a solution for Öcalan's situation. Karayılan stated that if operations [against PKK guerrillas] stopped there would be no losses, and reminded that their conflict-avoidance phase has been extended until the end of Ramadan. He stated again that he hoped for some positve steps within the two weeks left [until the end of Ramadan when conflict avoidance phase was extended recently].

*The roadmap Mr. Abdullah Öcalan submitted to the prosecution on 20 August [2009] is not yet given to the lawyers. What do you think about the fact that the roadmap is not given?

-The stand our people made in the 29 March [2009] local elections made it necessary to start a process for a democratic solution to the Kurdish Question. Based on this, as a movement, we started the conflict-avoidance phase on 13 April 2009. We extended this conflict-avoidance phase a few times to date. Our leader [Mr. Öcalan] stated that he would turn in the roadmap to both sides in order to transform the current process into a permanent democratic solution process. The media reported this and it became public knowledge. Our leader's roadmap is a roadmap submitted to the Turkish state, our movement, and the public so that the democratic solution turns into a permanent process.

The roadmap must be given to us

Our leader turned in the roadmap, the state took it. The state is reading the roadmap and determining it's politics accordingly. It toughens it's stand, takes measures accordingly. The state makes some speeches that constitute a response. But the state didn't give the roadmap to us or the public. If the Turkish state wants to solve this problem permanently, first it must quit such approaches. Hiding the solution formula prepared by the most important actor, meant for solution, and turning in for the stakeholders will not help the solution. Especially taking the solution formula and benefiting from it without giving it to others is not only unlawful but also not moral either. If they were not going to share the roadmap, they could have not taken it. They could say that they are not taking it. But they took it; they are benefiting from it; they are confiscating it. This is a stand that doesn't help a solution. In other words, this is a continuation of the mentality that doesn't care about Kurds and that says "I can do whatever I want." A solution can't be developed with this logic, with this approach.

I would like to state clearly again: If the state of the Turkish Republic and its government, at this stage in history, want a permanent solution to the Kurdish question, they should give up on these kinds of policies. In other words, they need to quit the policy that ignores Kurds and the Kurdish will and give us the roadmap.

It will affect the conflict-avoidance phase

*In this case [the state not giving Mr. Öcalan's roadmap], how will the conflict-avoidance phase will evolve?

-We extended the conflict-avoidance phase until the end of Ramadan festivities for two reasons. The first reason is the respect we have for Ramadan. The second reason is that we expect the Turkish state to give us the roadmap during this time. Hiding the roadmap and not giving it [to us] will hurt the discussion environment. The process will not move forward without the roadmap. Let me put it clearly: it will be very problematic for us to extend the conflict-avoidance phase. Of course we are discussing the events from every angle. It is obvious that the current phase will face serious difficulties and problems unless the roadmap reaches us by some means. We too have sensitivities, we have a base, we have different organizations, forces. They [the state] say there is the army, the army will do this and that. We have an army too. There are organizations and matters we have to consider. We have to consider all these phenomena. Therefore, such approaches are not right. Our people make demonstrations for this and demand. Our people's expectation, our movement's and democratic organizations' expectation is that the state gives the roadmap right away. Because this is necessary for the continuation of the process. Not giving the roadmap, despite these, will mean that the state doesn't want a solution. Then it is up to them whether to give it or not.

[...]

*The initiative that started as the "Kurdish initiative", later turned into the "democratic initiative, and lastly stated as "national unity project," is going on with intensive discussions. What does the change of names reflect in terms of correct comprehension of the problem and its solution?

-First, our movement's initiative on starting the process, then our leader's talks, and then our statements aimed to the public media, put the need for a democratic solution to the Kurdish question in Turkey on the agenda. The president's words, "good things will happen," and the government officials' words gave hope to people. An expectation and impression was created that the Turkish state would now try to solve the problem in a different way. But then, the process was slowly pulled back. First they said "Kurdish initiative," then they said "democratic initiative" and now they converted it to "national unity project." For example, the minister [of interior Mr. Beşir Atalay] spoke on the matter for 50 minutes without interruption, then for about 50 more minutes he answered questions but he was so careful that he didn't use the word "Kurd".

[...]

What kind of a unity is this that it's being protected by a force 400 thousand strong! Another point is that these forces [state's] defend a narrow, nationalistic, and racist line. These forces insist on 20th century's politics rather than today's. These forces often talk about unity. They talk about unity and brotherhood. What kind of a unity is this that it is being protected by a force of 400 thousand soldiers, police, and paramilitary guards [korucular]. If there is unity and brotherhood why have so many soldiers been placed in Kurdistan? According to the state's official figures, until now 40 thousand people died. That means this unity is being held up by weapons and killing. Now the problem is to transform this forced unity into a voluntary one.

[...]

What kind of a brotherhood is this!

You reject Kurdish identity and oppress Kurds and then talk about brotherhood. What kind of brotherhood is this? My language, culture, history, and names are forbidden, I can't own my identity but you say you are brothers. You say Kurds are our brothers but forbid everything belonging to them. This is slavery, slavery by force. We are in the 21st century and the Kurdish people have been enlightened with Apocu culture will not accept this [slavery]. Forcing slavery under the name of brotherhood and doing this by spilling blood with police batons and soldiers' weapons has nothing to do with brotherhood. In the current era this is not possible either. MHP and CHP need to understand this.

[...]

Empathy

[...]

You [the state] say that yours are martyrs, but the Kurdish people see you as the invading forces. You say you are protecting the homeland and dieing for the homeland, but the Kurdish people think their language, culture, and homeland are under invasion. There are people who go up to the mountains [join the guerrillas] for their honor, pride, and culture. These people give up everything. Haven't the people who put their lives on the line for their belief, ideals, and honor done so for a more sacred cause? If you compare in this way the martyrdom of Kurdish people, freedom guerrillas' are martyrdoms for protecting the Kurdish reality and for freedom of the Kurdish people, and they see this as a more sacred cause. Everyone has their reality but the important thing is to see the reality through the other side's eyes.

There is nothing more sacred and honorable than taking all the risks in Kurdistan and putting your life on the line for your language, identity, culture, and the people's freedom.

[...]

*As the KCK, you are in a conflict-avoidance position since April [2009]. However, the Turkish state didn't take a step and there has been no work for identifying representatives. Mr. Erdoğan and the general staff signaled, during the last meeting, that this wouldn't happen [reciprocating conflict-avoidance and identifying a representative for the Kurdish side in talks]. How would the continuation of this policy affect the conflict-avoidance phase?

-For the next two weeks we will analyze the other side's stand and approach to the issues. We want to learn if the state really wants to solve the problem. If they want to solve it, how they are planning to solve it. There were some well-meaning words. Some nice and fancy speeches were given. But like I said before, the process narrowed down and pulled back. It's obvious that the problem cannot be solved with this kind of approach. Therefore, we want to learn what the state truly wants to do.

If there is a policy to be devious again, this will bring great disasters. There are talks in various sections of the society. The press is maturing but, on the other hand, the state hinders the process by red lines. The observation is that there are some other things the state is seeing. For example, the military is getting ready. The minister of foreign affairs is visiting many places for some preparation. The state's representatives come to the south [South Kurdistan, Iraq] and try to convince people for their solution. They [the state] are trying very hard to find grounds for their official policies and sideline the PKK and the leader of Kurdish people [Mr. Öcalan]. This is very dangerous.

[...]

They are saying the DTP is being very rough. What has DTP done? In fact DTP says how the problem can be solved. DTP says that there cannot be a solution by sidelining the PKK and leader Apo, who represent millions of people. This is a reality! As this is not being rough or soft, it is not being close or far from the PKK either. It's stating a truth directly.

[...]

I say what's in Kurds' hearts. I am putting my life on the line for their interests. Even if you raise heavens, you can't separate my people and I from each other. You can kill, destroy, oppress, but this movement and its leadership will always have a big place in the Kurdish people's heart. You have to know this. You cannot separate this. Today the things leader Apo says from İmralı [prison] are what someone in Amed's cafe's, Hakkari's plains, and Dersim would say. The reality is this: the Kurdish people have established a unity with its leader and movement.

[...]

If you see my cultural values as divisive then how am I going to unify with you?

We ask if you [the state] are going to end the animosity against the Kurdish people's leadership, values, language, culture, and name. If you are going to end this animosity, let us see it in practice. The state officials talk but we don't see anything positive in practice. Can the AKP government say, "Look, we have been developing the process for the past thee months and we have done this and that"? They keep talking about TRT6 [state owned TV station broadcasting in Kurdish]. You started TRT6 but why are there so many prohibitions still in place? A poet in Kurdish history, Cigerxwin, is a very important person for the Kurdish people. The state considers it divisive that a municipality wants to name a library after Cigerxwin. If you see my cultural values as divisive, then how am I going to unify with you? In fact, what you are doing is divisive. Why don't you see it? It's divisive to ignore and sideline the Kurdish people and belittle and disrespect their values.

[...]

Nobody should miscalculate

It's being said that the international conditions are against us. No; that may be your opinion and it may seem that way to you. There is also the side that's visible to us. In this respect, we have reserves and potential to defend ourselves and advance our cause for years. Nobody should make miscalculations on this and approach correctly. We don't talk big. But we are not a simple force either. We are a force that successfully stood up, renewed itself, got stronger, and strengthened its belief and decisiveness despite the attacks against us, supported internationally. In this respect we are in a position in which we have established high morale and motivation, increased belief and decisiveness, and strengthened tenacity for success. I have to state that those who couldn't weaken us during the most difficult years [for us], of 1999-2004, can't ever weaken us today. There is no way for a movement that didn't weaken during that term to weaken today. [...] There are powers interested in conflict and no solution for the Kurdish question. But we are saying that we have to solve our problem ourselves before there is further wear between us. Our people's interests require this. This is to Turkey's benefit. It has to be seen correctly.

Denial...

The Republican People's Party (CHP) has always been the true face of the fascist Turkish state. The current speeches of the party's leader is nothing more than the ultra right wing and racist National Movement Party (MHP) says. Let's rewind back to 1930, when many massacres were being committed against Kurds, including the Zilan Massacre:

"Because this party (CHP), with the things it has done, has returned back the position of Turks, the true masters... The master of this country are Turks. The ones who are not pure Turk have only one right in the Turkish homeland, that is to be servants, to be slaves." (Hakimiyeti Milliye 19 September 1930)

The CHP and the Turkish state mentality represented by it tried to wipe off the very existence of Kurds and Kurdistan then and they are pretty much repeat the same tune now. CHP leader Baykal recently claimed there has been no Kurdish problem in Turkey for the past 87 years. I swear, I don't get him and so many that are like him (hint hint the TSK generals and their heard of ducks) who can openly tell such stupid lies that a five year old wouldn't believe. They do deserve an Oscar or two though because even Forrest Gump couldn't genuinely be that stupid.

So all these sorry excuses for humanity, including the generals who kill their own soldiers to undermine the peace process can talk and say all kinds of nonsense and it's all good. But if DTP, Mr. Öcalan, or PKK talks the whole Turkish media starts screaming about how that is out of line.

It seems to me that Turks want to solve the Kurdish problem without talking to Kurds. These people seem to have forgotten why all the Kurdish uprisings, including the last one lead by the PKK came into existence. Here is just a summary of human rights abuses that happened so far in 2009. It's not, by any means, a comprehensive list.

The fascist Turkish regime must understand that "life is like a box of chocolate..."

Qandil Observations: Part III

This is the third and final part of Mr. Murat Karayılan's interview with Filiz Koçali and Ramazan Pekgöz of Günlük daily. You can read Part-1 and Part-2. The original, in Turkish is here.

Qandil Observations -3

'Let the state take one step, we will take two'

As the interview goes on, it becomes clear how they [the PKK] weighed the latest developments. They are expecting well-meaning steps that are reassuring rather than words that sound nice. They don't seem to be receptive to any proposition about them without seeing these [well-meaning] steps. Yesterday the papers reported about the [Turkish] government would send a team to Makhmur [Maxmur]. Talks have been going around about emptying the Makhmur camp and sending the PKK members there. We ask what they think about the suggestion that they should be placed in the Makhmur camp. He gives a similar response to the suggestion that they should retreat their forces to Qandil. But this time, Murat Karayılan starts with a joke:

"Makhmur is too far... Our place is better than anywhere." Then he continues: "We won't move down to Makhmur. If a solution materializes, it can be discussed. Forces, based on an agreement out of the solution can behave according to a protocol developed there [in Makhmur]. But not in any other way. The stories of 'they will move down to Makhmur or they will return to Turkey, the leaders will go to Europe' is a scenario that is constantly brought up during the past few years. This scenario first came up during the first United States intervention in the region. Because we didn't accept this scenario, we started a new process on 1 June 2004. Now, even if I decide myself, I cannot execute it [the old scenario]. No administration [of the PKK] can."

'We have to be realistic'

He stresses that they [the PKK] have been acting extremely responsibly and they would try their best to open the doors for any positive development. He wants to make sure what he says is not misunderstood: "Why am I saying these? We have to be realistic. If we are really going to discuss the solution, we have to consider these facts."

He says that wrong information is being distributed about their situation. Their persistence on solution [to Kurdish question] is being interpreted differently and that it's not realistic to interpret their persistence as they are losing strength. "We are not desperate. But we are saying now that let's stop the violence. This is a societal problem and it can be solved with dialogue, with modern methods. The role of violence in solving societal problems is over now. Now the problem is in a form that can be solved through dialogue and democratic means. This is our strategy."

Then he explains that the PKK has reached a new paradigm and that they are working to implement the democratic and ecologically sensitive paradigm.

I really recommend some of the reporters such as those who "report" news like this to read what's following:

'Even if they offer an independent state we will not want it'

He says "It's not being understood why we don't want to establish an independent state. Even if they offer us an independent state we will not want it. Because we are against the power of the state. But this doesn't mean that we will do armed struggle because we are against power of the state. We are saying that the state system has been in effect for five thousand years. As long as the current concept of state is implemented, there will be separation among people, there will be high class and lower class. Therefore there will not be real democracy, there will not be equality; there will be a high class and a low class. We propose a more equality based system compared to the current state concept. What we are saying is a new society, a democratic society, a new system which is based on women's revolution, which has accomplished the ecological revolution.

He stresses again: "We have unilaterally started the 'conflict avoidance' phase. We are still seriously trying to implement this. We are still working hard for 'no-conflict' phase to come to life despite the operations in the field, despite the attacks and operations that target Kurdish politicians. We sincerely want development of a phase in which weapons will not be used anymore."

'It [solution] will empower development of democracy'

He says they find it more realistic for peoples to live together in a system based on equality and freedom than establishing a separate state. He gives the European Union as an example. States like Germany, France, and England, which were enemies 50 years ago and killed millions of people from one another, have now lifted the borders and are preparing a constitution together and asks "why shouldn't we develop the same thing in the Middle East".

He stresses that solving the Kurdish question by peaceful and democratic means will empower the development of democracy in the Middle East and can be a starting point to prepare the ground for democratization of the Middle East. He says that the reverse will just empower and solidify the anti-democratic systems in the region.

He draws attention to the fact that this position is not a tactical one but a strategic one: "That is the reason we want to develop a solution to the Kurdish question that would not pressure the the unity of Turkey. We are not moving along with the logic of 'let us pass this stage like this'. We are talking about permanent solution."

'We are in the 'we' too'

He says that if the people of the Middle East would self govern and develop themselves, it would reduce external intervention and it's crucial that we [the people of the Middle East] solve our problems with self-reliance. We say that the [Turkish] government is saying similar things. He continues:

"Yes, there are similar words coming from the government officials recently. But, for example, the most receptive person, the Minister of External Affairs says 'let us solve the problem ourselves, with our self-strength', but he keeps us out. The same minister holds talks with the USA, Iraq, and EU. Instead of discussing the Kurdish question with the Kurds, he discusses it with external powers. He doesn't include Kurds in his self-strength, he doesn't include any of the Kurds' representatives. If there is an external actor that can play a positive role, one should benefit from it. But it is necessary that we solve the problem with our own strength, based on internal dynamics."

'We rely on natural things'

"There is one way for solution: sincerity" he says and continues: "We are sincere about this subject, we are serious. We can solve our problems ourselves based on having the ability, strength, and willpower for mutual respect, overcoming the mistakes made in the past, and knowing how to mutually forgive the consequences of those mistakes.That's what we expect. We are serious about this, we are sincere. There is only one way; to move toward the solution sincerely. Overcoming the prejudices, improving trust, and efforts to create a common future must be on the agenda."

He says that the guarantee of a common future is theirs and continues: "Everyone says we are like finger nail and tissue but they provoke the peoples against each other very much. If fights between peoples is not happening it's mostly due to our ideological approach. We never told our people that 'Turks are like this, Turks are like that' and plant seeds of animosity between peoples [Turks and Kurds]. We criticized the system." He states that there has been 'reciprocal damages' and brings up the Commission for Investigating the Truth and Reconciliation which they proposed for this purpose.

'We are ready before anyone else'

[...] "Look" says Karayılan, "we rely on things that are natural; Kurdistan's geography and its people." He says that they are a movement which constantly changes, transforms, and updates itself both organizationally and tactically and continues: "the defense work is only about five percent of the work we do".

His final words for the interview are "Approach to the road map to be announced by Öcalan will be a measure of sincerity. We say that the government should take a step and ask us to take two. If the solution is truly wanted, we are ready for it before anyone else."

Serkeftin.

Go back to Part-1 or Part-2.

Qandil Observations: Part II

Today, I am posting the Part-2 of Mr. Murat Karayılan's interview with Filiz Koçali and Ramazan Pekgöz of Günlük daily. You can read the Part-1 here. Many thanks again to the heval who helped me with this piece. The original, in Turkish, can be read here.

Qandil Observations -2

'We completely agree with Yaşar Kemal'

[...]

We ask Karayılan about Yaşar Kemal's interviews at our paper [Günlük] and Radikal daily. "I read them last night." he says. He couldn't read it on time because of the Kongra Gel meeting. He states that Yaşar Kemal's words sincere and had good intentions. Karayılan invited the Turkish officials to think and reflect on the things Yaşar Kemal said in those interviews. He continues: "we completely agree with what's said there. Turkey has to understand this: what we say is exactly what any other person in Turkey who thinks realistically would say."

Then he brings up claim of several Turkish newspaper columnists on the Democratic Society Party (DTP) becoming like the PKK rather than PKK transforming into DTP and says "what we say is the same with everyone who sides with democracy and thinks realistically be it a shepherd in a village, a businessman in a city, a worker, intellectuals, or politicians."

'The most reasonable solution project'

A lot of factions in Turkey are talking about the road map that is to come out of İmralı island [from Öcalan] and make suggestions about its content. People wonder about [Öcalan's] recommendations related to the PKK which will be in the road map. We ask Karayılan about his predictions on the road map.

Karayılan's prediction is that the road map will be referencing the 1921 constitution, it will be on an axis that doesn't bring forth any ethnicity and that this road map would be the most reasonable and refined solution proposal from the Kurdish side. He states that saying 'this is Abdullah Öcalan's road map' and setting it aside would be very wrong and continues "This road map will be the pinnacle of peace endeavors developed since 1993, that's why it's important".

'I talked about pulling back in 99'

We mention that some factions expect to see 'the PKK laying down arms' in the road map and ask 'Will it be proposed that PKK pull back to outside Turkey?'

He reminds us the decision to pull outside Turkey in 1999. He himself announced to the PKK forces the decision to mocve them outside the borders of Turkey. He spoke to the forces for one hour. We ask him about his emotions during that talk. "If I put it honestly, I wasn't very hopeful. But our leader had asked. I was seeing it as a risky move but I was thinking it needed to be done. I remember it as a sad speech."

He tells about over 300 guerrillas were ambushed and killed while retreating to outside Turkey's borders. He talks about the traps, mass executions and massacres on the road [committed by the Turkish forces]. "But we still didn't change our mind and stood by our decision" he says.

He he asks a question and answers himself: "We didn't move for five years. Was any step taken? No! Was this period utilized? No! Now a lot people say that period was not utilized properly. We acted responsibly but the [Turkish] authorities of the time didn't act responsibly. The importance of our decision to retreat to outside Turkey's borders is being understood better today."

During those years, although they were outside Turkey's borders, in the South [Kurdistan], they were not left alone; the international forces along with Southern forces (he refers to Barzani and Talabani's forces) tried to surround and annihilate them. He states that after these developments they had to 'move back inside [Turkey]'. "Security and protecting lives was becoming a problem. Situations with danger to our own lives came up."

'I can't say retreat again'

We know that some factions are in the expectation of PKK's retreating outside the borders. This expectation doesn't just belong to the factions who say 'there can be no deals with terrorists' but also to some of those who see the PKK and İmralı as a reality and say that discussions with the PKK are necessary. We tell him about these expectations. He knows about it and says:

"This is not a scoreboard for a card game. No, why should we retreat? We stay where we are. Let the weapons be silent and we discuss the solution. Why should someone walk three months and come from Dersim? Let's discuss, talk, whatever is going to happen there, we solve the problem where it belongs. We don't see solution in this kind of requests. Who is going to guarantee that the same things will not be repeated again? [He is referring to retreating forces being ambushed and destroyed] I can't give such an order for a second time. Those who really want a solution, who want democracy shouldn't offer this."

'Mutual assurance and trust is a must'

Much pain has been lived. Now Prime Minister Erdoğan too, without distinguishing, says 'Let mothers not cry'. There are those who say that retreating outside the borders will assure those who believe that 'those at the mountains' have contribution to the pains lived?

He says that they value everyone who tries to contribute to the process and if they see sincerity for the solution they would certainly respond. But there are 'but's...

"Yes, we want to give assurances but in return we need assurance too. I am saying it candidly: we see such stand as move to weaken us, perhaps the initial phase of our annihilation. That's why I think those who want solution shouldn't defend such things. I know the state officials defend this. If mutual assurance and trust is to be mentioned, there is no trust in this [what's being asked of us], we don't trust this. Let me state clearly: don't force this on us because we don't trust [it]."

The issue of 'trust' a few days after our talks in Qandil was brought up after the meeting between DTP Chairman Ahmet Türk and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Erdoğan said "I believe we benefited from one another and for the future there will be positive steps based on trust". Apparently, 'trust' still remains to be an important issue before us.

'Öcalan is a force beyond the power of our administration'

What if such an offer [retreating beyond the borders] comes from İmralı, as some expect?

He says "let me be clear. Leader Apo's power is far beyond our administration's power."

But he says he doesn't think such an offer will come from İmralı: "Because he too knows that repeating such a thing for the second time will be difficult. Therefore not in that way but there may be something like a phased withdrawal, I can't know that. But he knows it too that retreating completely outside the borders will be difficult. That's why I don't expect something like that to be on the agenda right away."

If it doesn't take place on the agenda right away when do you think it could come up? How are the weapons going to get out of stage? Is it possible to reach a solution without having the weapons out of stage? We know that the public is discussing this and wants to know about it. He answers:

"It is possible to have a plan that will realize taking arms off the stage in phases. We are already discussing this at various levels. But let me say this: the road map will be presented to both sides, to the public. The road map will be presented to the state side and to us, the PKK. I don't think it will include measures that cannot be refused by either the state side or by us. That's why I said 'most reasonable'. But the state is already made some maneuvers which signal that the state doesn't care about the road map and it is trying to weaken the impact of the road map. We don't find this an approach conducive to solution."

Go to Part-1 or Part-3.

Qandil Observations: Part I

Filiz Koçali and Ramazan Pekgöz of Günlük recently interviewed Mr. Murat Karayılan. The interview appeared in three parts on August 7, 8, and 9, 2009. Here is the link for the original. I would like to thank the heval who translated this piece.

Qandil Observations -1

We did what Hasan Cemal asked

"We did what he [Hasan Cemal] asked. He [Hasan Cemal] said 'Everyone should keep their fingers away from triggers and PKK should take one step back'. Our forces in Turkey are trying their best to avoid conflict and not to be visible; they almost went under the ground. That's why the losses have reduced"

[...]

"We value every move and approach toward solution to Kurdish question regardless of who makes the attempt. It could be from the members of the state or civilians" says Karayılan.

'We pulled back'

Karayılan carefully read Hasan Cemal's series of writing after his interview with Karayılan. He reminds Hasan Cemal's following words "Everyone should put fingers away from the trigger and PKK should take one step back". "We did what he said. He said 'Everyone should keep their fingers away from the triggers', we started a no-conflict period and extended its duration.

Despite the operations conducted against our forces, we are still trying to keep the no-conflict process sustained. He [Hasan Cemal] said 'PKK should take a step back'. We pulled back. Our forces in Turkey are trying their best to avoid conflict and not to be visible; they almost went under the ground. That's why the losses have reduced."

Stopping the operations is at the top of requests made by various factions. In fact, stopping the operations [against the PKK] is seen as the first and important condition toward solution [to the Kurdish Question]. We ask about operations and he says 'there are still operations conducted but not as much as before'. He adds, "which means the state can stop the operations completely and turn the no-attack [from the PKK] period into no-conflict phase. Together we can develop a phase for complete cease fire where everyone stays put at their locations. We demonstrate, with all our might, our will for developing this phase". Then he says environment for dialogue can be created.

There Can't be solution without talks

Karayılan answers the suggestions developed for PKK and stresses that approaches such as 'PKK is different than the Kurdish question' are wrong and notaimed to solve the problem. He said that the Kurdish freedom struggle brought the Kurdish question to the daylight and similar things happened elsewhere in the world: "It is not necesary for Turkey to invent something new. Even if she tries, without being a proper solution, it will not bear any results. The

Minister of Internal Affairs says 'we will develop a solution unique to Turkey and sets an example for the world' and I hope that will be the case. But we don't know of solving a problem anywhere else in the world without talking to the stakeholders. Saying 'there is a problem, I will solve it myself but I will annihilate the owners of the problem' is not an approach for solution but for war. If war is not wanted and developing solution is wanted then the parties sit down, talk, and discuss."

Voluntary unity, not a forced one

Why talks and discussions? The answer is clear: "What's our purpuse for the solution? To achieve the societal reconciliation. To transform the currently existing forced unity into a voluntary unity. That's why the sides who are going to live together voluntarily must sit down and talk." He also states that willing to sit down and talk would be an indication of sincerity about wanting the solution.

He lists his expectations

He carefully watched the speech by Minister of Internal Affairs Beşir Atalay. Karayılan found Atalay's speech as 'positive' and stated that it was important and positive that Atalay for the first time spoke for the government and the state saying that 'we will solve this problem'. However he finds the content of Atalay's speech incomplete and insufficient: "nice words but the set up is not in a line which will bring solution."

He says "Mr. Atalay is someone who is responsible from security" and that they expected use of following sentences for starters: "From now on, we will not try to solve the problem with violence but by political and peaceful means. The operations will stop; we will not produce operations anymore but ideas." Karayılan states that from now on they will look at the actions.

PKK and the Kurdish question are like nail and tissue

Karayılan stresses the following: "An approach like 'I will not recognize your will, I will solve it my way, I will even talk to some sections of the society but I will not speak to you' will not bring complete solution. Kurdish question and the PKK problem are like nail and tissue, bound together. Separating them will not develop a solution."

Sincerity and trust needed

"Kurdish question is not a problem that formed yesterday. It's not a problem created by the birth of the PKK either. Existence of this problem has given birth to the PKK. That's why if Turkey really wants to completely solve the problem, she should set aside the prejudices. We should avoid the distrustful and prejudicous manners. If the state and the government presents and approach which shows trust and belief in Kurdish people, the Kurds will make every effort to honor that trust with practice."

Where Karayılan sees his hand strong is 'non-separation'. He continues: "Since there is no thought like separation is on the table, the discussions can be held with mutual respect along the lines how how to create conditions for equality, freedom, and living together."

Filiz Koçali - Ramazan Pekgöz

Readers of this blog can check Hasan Cemal's interview with Mr. Karayılan published in Rastî: Part-1, Part-2, Part-3, and Part-4.

Finally, I have to point out two things. The first one is the the PKK guerrillas are trying VERY hard to avoid any kind of conflict while Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) didn't halt its operations. Quite a few guerillas have been killed during the conflict-avoidance phase PKK has initiated unilaterally. However, when guerillas are surrounded and fired upon, they do defend themselves. Wouldn't you? So, a Turkish soldier died in a recent clash and Washington Post published an article. It says One Turkish soldier died in PKK violence. Of course, there is no mention of any of the sincere moves and sacrifices the PKK has been unilaterally making to prevent bloodshed. The article tries to portray the PKK as if the PKK is opposing to the solution to the Kurdish Question:

The armed attack comes as the government prepares to announce a series of measures aimed at reducing years of problems between the Turkish state and its Kurdish population, which have been a cause of violence and poverty for years.

Pathetic.

Karayılan, during his interview, stresses something again: non-separation. The PKK wants the problem solved within the unity of the state. The same article goes on calling PKK "separatist".

Did the TSK manage to buy some foreign reporters?

Go to Part-2 or Part-3

Mass Grave in Turkish Military Installation

A soldier who served in Semdinli Derecik Internal Security Brigade during 1994-1995 came out about an event in which 12 korucular (government paramilitary forces used against PKK and Kurdish people) were tortured, shot, and buried in a mass grave in the garrison.

The soldier even provided a schematic of the mass gave and alerted the prosecutor's office and spoke to Taraf daily. You can read the full article in Turkish.

The soldier stated that the commander of the brigade then was Lt. Colonel Ali Çamurcu, a known member of JITEM who is known to kill a lot of civilians after having them kidnapped.

The soldier who came out talks about the details of the encounter of how the korucular we tortured nonstop with allegations that they were helping the PKK while in fact they were not. The poor korucular were screaming for days that they were fighting against the PKK.

Some could say these 12 korucular met their demise but I feel sorry for them. Because the korucular are stupid enough to think that the fascist state will actually value them for betraying and killing their own people. The fascist regime will never forget that korucular betrayed their own people and so they can betray her too. That's why they have no value for the fascist regime.

A reporter has found the relatives of the killed and they described what happened. It appears that after a clash between the PKK and the military, the military raided the village, set the homes on fire, tortured people, beat up a pregnant woman and killed her baby, incinerated a person alive and took these 12 korucular to the military installation for torture and later killed them.

After the story hit the news construction work started in the military post where the mass grave is supposed to be located. It wouldn't surprise me though that the remains of the people have already been removed and incinerated. JITEM's professional killers have reported in the part that they were professional enough not to leave any body parts behind.

When the families of the "missing" complained, the government refused to investigate. Later when the matter was taken to the European Human Rights Court, Turkey simply said that the "disappeared" must have joined the PKK and the atrocities were committed by the terrorist organization.

It seems to me that Turkey conveniently omitted specifying the fact that the terrorist organization was the Turkish State.

Êdî Bese!

Enough already!

Stop Military Operations and Solve Kurdish Question

From Bianet:

Parties of the left and NGOs have called for a democratic and peaceful solution to the Kurdish question.
Bawer ÇAKIR
bawer@bianet.org
Istanbul - BİA News Center
16 July 2009, Thursday

On Wednesday, 15 July, representatives of NGOs and political parties gathered in Galatasaray Square to call on the government to act.

Following the announcement by the militant PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) that they would extend their unilateral ceasefire until 1 September, the crowd called on the government to stop armed operations.

The group read out a press statement, and then handed out a flyer headed "Make your voice heard for peace".

Hüseyin Akçiçek of the Socialist Platform for the Oppressed (ESP) said in the statement that both the Turkish and the Kurdish people were paying the price for the ongoing 30-year war:
Denial and opportunism

"Those who meet the existence of a Kurdish people with denial and methods of destruction protect their own children, while not hesitating to send the children of the poor people into the war to die. They then use their dead bodies for their politics."

He added, "It is necessary to demand brotherly, equal and free coexistence of the people of Turkey in order to obstuct the games of those who want war."

He called on the "proletarian Turkish people to be aware of the game being played with their future" and to support the voices calling for peace and the Kurdish people's peace efforts.

As for the government, the statement called on the government to match the Kurdish demands for peace and the decision by armed groups to cease fighting with an end to operations.

"Yes, we believe that there are opportunities for a fair and honourable solution to the Kurdish question and for peace."

The protest was supported by the Democratic Society Party (DTP), the 78'ers Initiative, the Human Rights Association (İHD), the People's Houses (Halkevleri), the Socialist Labour Movement (SEH), the Labour Party (EMEP), the Socialist Democracy Party (SDP), the Freedom and Solidarity Party (ÖDP), the Socialist Party, the Labour Movement Party (EHP), the ESP, the Revolutionary Socialist Workers' Party (DSİP), the Social Freedom Platform (TÖP), the Teori ve Politika magazine, the KESK trade union confederation, Anti-Kapitalist, the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) and the Free Democratic Alevi Movement. (BÇ/AG)

I am becoming more pessimistic day after day as I know very well that a fascist regime and people who have been brainwashed don't easily change.

Common Cause

Serouj Aprahamian wrote a comprehensive piece titled Kurds and Armenians: Finding Common Cause. I will quote a few sections from the article but you should take time to read the full article:

Motivating Factors

There are two major underlying aspects behind the principle of solidarity. One is the moral aspect which considers freedom to be a social, rather than mere individual, pursuit. It is based on the belief that one can only truly be free when freedom becomes achieved for all others around them as well; for how can one truly be content and secure in their freedom if they are surrounded by suffering and injustice? This concept is perhaps best captured in Martin Luther King Jr’s famous quote, “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”

The other dimension for solidarity hinges on a more practical political calculation: the belief that by coming together with others around a common goal, one can help build a broader base of power and improve social conditions. Indeed, by pooling resources and manpower, movements which are able to collaborate with one another are logically much more likely to achieve victories. The smaller a group or movement is, the more central this consideration becomes in their hopes for pursuing justice.

Against the tactic of dividing a conquering which is perfected by Turkey against its minorities to facilitate cultural genocide, solidarity is the only way out:

Just as Turkish authorities once viewed Armenians’ call for equality and democracy as a “threat” to their empire, Ankara today interprets the Kurdish people’s demand for basic human rights as meaning “separatism.” Just as the Ottoman authorities refused to recognize the national identity of Armenians and called them “Christian Turks,” the Kurdish people have had to fight Turkey’s attempts to officially classify them as “Mountain Turks.” Just as they once did to Armenians, the Turkish government continues to suppress the language, history, and identity of Kurds; ransacks their schools and cultural monuments; bans their political parties and newspapers; pillages their towns and villages; terrorizes their families and children; subjects Kurds to a policy of Turkification; and attacks their human rights workers and journalists.

The solidarity of oppressed peoples of Turkey should not be limited to only Armenian and Kurdish peoples. But it's a start.

Interview with Emine Ayna

An interview with Emine Ayna, Co-Chair of pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP), recently appeared at Kurdistan-Post. Emine Ayna talks about the past two years, the oppression on Kurds and the recent operations against DTP politicians and party members:

[...]

There was a positive atmosphere about the Kurdish question recently. Both sides had their hopes up but then the environment completely changed. Do you think this was a trick or someone disturbed the environment? You, as a party [DTP], play an active role. What do you think happened? Is there still hope for a solution?

People don't change overnight. It's not like the Prime Minister and the President [of Turkey], while they were in denial yesterday, have changed overnight and said "okay let's accept it today". This is not about the Prime Minister and the President either. This is about the system. Conditions dictate solutions and they will have to solve it [the Kurdish issue]. They [the President and the Prime Minister] have their own policies based on being in charge. Their policies are their own vision and they won't change unless challenged.

TWO YEARS

Kurds have demonstrated strong opposition to denial and destruction policies [of the state]. We have been through two years during which it was said that DTP was finished and but DTP came out [of the local elections] stronger and made its demands clearer; two years during which DTP said "No, we don't want individual liberties [related to Kurdish language and culture] we are a people and it's our right to have collective liberties"; two years during which DTP said "No, we don't want private training in our native tongue, we want education in our native tongue" and filled the streets and set up blackboards in the streets [for symbolic lectures in Kurdish]; two years during which DTP said "while the war is going on we cannot celebrate festivities" and showed ownership of Newroz struggle; two years during which 13 people were killed [by state security forces] during demonstrations. During these two years armed clashes such as Zap and Oramar took place.

THE STRUGGLE WHICH MADE THE PRESIDENT SAY THAT WORD

During a time with external and internal forces on its side, Turkey has been trying to crush the Kurdish demands, Kurds filled the streets. In 22 July [2007] elections [general] DTP doubled it's votes. This is the struggle that made the President say those words.

SELF CRITICISM

We stalled when the President and the Prime Minister said "The Kurdish question is a serious one and good developments will happen". We have to self-criticise here. We entered the phase of let's wait and see what the government will do since there were talks about a solution. I am talking about slowing down, not stopping. This period of stalling slowed us down a little. If we had continued our struggle more decisively after those words were said, we would have given them the opportunity to continue on to the next step and we would have caused a betterment. Using past tense doesn't mean this opportunity has passed. Conflict-avoidance period is in effect until 15 July [2009] and the work is progressing. We have our council meeting coming up soon. We will come up with a plane before 15 July.

Will you have an active plan?

Of course we will have an active plan. We are not calling this phase as conflict-free period. There is a decleration and will from one side. We are aiming for this phase to evolve into conflict-free phase. We will come up with a plan in this direction until 15 July [2009]. Those who are in charge, who have power to oppress, don't easily change into defenders of the oppressed. The oppressed struggle for this and make the oppressors into defenders of rights of the oppressed.

The positive environment has changed all of a sudden and got tense and nationalistic expressions began increasing on both sides. What do you think about this? Have the high hopes been replaced by pessimism?

We still have hope. We were hopeful before the President said anything. Because as we have been saying the solution to this problem won't come out of expectations from others, but the solution will develop out of this people's power.

CHANGE OF CONSTITUTION

This struggle will continue as long as the constitution remains unchanged, the war continues, and Kurdish people's rights and liberties are not part of the system. One can't talk about solution unless the constitution changes completely and unless the militaristic mentality changes. If the President said something like this it would give us hope in the sense that he was saying something different than yesterday. It's wrong to be hopeful by expecting something from the state.

The fascist state is targeting key figures in the party in response to DTP's success in the 2009 local elections. AKP and CHP, despite all the support from the state (heck even the soldiers and the police were working for the AKP and other state parties such as CHP and MHP). We read on...

DTP has achieved a successful trend in the last local elections [March 2009]. Then your party was targeted. How did this situation affect your activities?

55 party members from the central management were arrested. Wouldn't that slow us down? All 13 members of the local management council were arrested. That means we have to establish a new local management council and start from scratch. That's why we have postponed our party's Local Managements' Conference indefinitely.

Don't such attacks increase mass support for DTP?

It increases the solidarity. But none of our friends has backed off because of such attacks. These are not our very first friends who have been arrasted. Kurds have been in legal politics since 1991. During this time, the city managers were killed, central council members were killed, parliamentarians were attacked, parliamentarians were imprisoned for ten years, party members were imprisoned many times and these people have been banned from participating in politics. None of these attacks created an effect such as party members backing out.

Can the goal be to make DTP ineffective by arresting its effective staff rather than closing the party?

Such tactics slow our progress down. There are a lot of individuals to replace those arrested but those arrested had a few years of experience. The new people do not have that experience and this slows us down. Slowing us down is a tactic and they [the state] are doing this.

Will you have any measures against this?

Kurdish political movement has always valued political training and we value it now as well. This may not be an activity carrying a school's name but we have efforts on this subject. Of course, experience gained in practice is not given in schools but with education and training individuals can be prepared up to an extent.

It seems Turkey didn't arrest enough DTP members as the arrests are continuing to date... It seems Turkey will run out of prison space soon.

Another thing that differentiates DTP from other parties in Turkey is it's approach to women:

You are a Kurdish woman. There are problems in Kurdish society, honour killings and marriage by force, to name a few. What does your party do against such issues?

What distinguishes our party from others is that it backs genuine autonomous organization of women. We work to organize women rather than trying to get their votes. It is not only about only organizing women as DTP members but organizing women as freedom should be in their ideals. Problems such as domestic violence, honour killings, and marriage by force are not the type of problems that can be solved by a political party educating women. Solution to these problems can only develop with women's struggle to become free and independent. In places where the Kurdish movement has deep roots, one can see that the process of women's independence has been wide spread and improving and women's resistance to traditions has been growing.

[...]

Women are seen as equal participants. Not as objects, not as "tools" for conformance to any superior power but as humans. Simple as that.

In solidarity with DTP!

Turkish-Arab Alliance

Surprise, surprise to brothers and sisters in Kurdistan-Iraq. Turkey and are Iraqi central government are at work hard to make sure Kurds cannot rise their heads. How delightful it is to be surrounded by brothers some of whom are "progressive democracy" in the region. Read the article titled "A Troubled Pipeline" that just appeared in Newsweek. Here is an excerpt from the article:

[...]

The deal quickly drew criticism from Baghdad and Ankara, which have actively sought to block Kurdistan's oil ambitions over fears that independent energy revenue could help bolster the region's bid for political autonomy. Earlier this month the Iraqi government vetoed the Kurds' Nabucco arrangement, saying that the Kurdish regional government could not strike its own energy deals without violating Iraq's Constitution. Baghdad offered to supply Europe from another field instead—one not under Kurdish control—but it couldn't promise gas until 2014 at the earliest. Oil has long been a source of simmering tensions between the Kurds and the central Iraqi government, which has also moved to bring border controls in the Kurdish region under Baghdad's authority.

Turkey, too, has expressed its unhappiness over the Nabucco deal. Rather than allowing Iraqi Kurds to enrich themselves with gas money—which would likely bolster their de facto independence from Baghdad—Turkey prefers to bank on the chance that its ally Azerbaijan will be able to produce enough gas to fill the pipe.

[...]

Êdî bese.

Interview with DTP parliamentarian Sebahat Tuncel

Ms. Sebahat Tuncel's interview with Kurdish Herald. You can read the full version here.

Kurdish Herald: How would you characterize the reaction of the Turkish government and military to the DTP’s recent successes in the March 2009 Turkish municipal elections?

Sebahat Tuncel: The [Turkish] state employed all its branch and organs with the expectation of defeating DTP in the Kurdish region in the March 2009 elections. Different groups, such as soldiers, governors, even some members of the other Turkish parties, worked with the Justice and Development Party (AKP) aiming to meet this expectation. All of these actors worked very hard against DTP. For instance, they gave free food, donated laundry machines, and gave money to people. It was important for the AKP to win the Kurdish provinces. If they succeeded, the Turkish government could tell everyone (inside Turkey and throughout the world) that AKP represents the Kurds, and the Kurds do not have the problems and grievances that DTP always brings to the table.

Of course, the reaction of the government and the military to the results of the elections has been, indeed, negative. State Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Cemil Cicek, stated that the results demonstrated that the DTP has “pushed to the border of Armenia.” Chief of General Staff Ilker Basbug said that “the votes that DTP received should be read correctly.” The AKP, similarly, claimed that DTP got the victory by using violence against people. So, generally, we witnessed intolerance of the DTP’s success from the [Turkish] state.

[...]

Kurdish Herald: What is the status of recent court cases pending against you and other DTP parliamentarians? Who is behind allegations against you and your colleagues? And to what extent do these court cases interfere with your work as a parliamentarian?

Sebahat Tuncel: Cases attempting to close the DTP continue. It is like the Sword of Damocles on our neck – the Turkish state has continuously been trying to suppress us by using these cases.

There are currently about 380 cases in Turkey calling for the revoking of immunity of MPs. Of these cases, 286 are against DTP MPs. The cases against the others are mostly based on charges for corruption, bribery, or even murder, while for us the cases are based only on the expression of our political ideas. These cases have deepened the Kurdish problem and have revealed the double standard and unjust manipulation in the interpretation of the Turkish law when it comes to Kurdish rights.

Kurdish Herald: What role is the DTP currently playing in the organization of a pan-Kurdish conference in Erbil, and what would its aims be?

Sebahat Tuncel: There has been a long discussion over this conference in Turkey, with a plan to disqualify the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) from the conference. Nevertheless, the March 2009 elections dismissed such plans. We hoped that that this conference would highlight the unity of the Kurds and call for a project for the freedom and democratization of the countries where Kurds live.

At this moment, it seems that the conference has been delayed. However, we think that this conference should take a place and many Kurds from the four parts should attend it. It is exciting to have this first Kurdish conference. With this conference we can send a message to the world as a united Kurdish people.

[...]

Kurdish Herald: What are your views on Turkey’s European Union accession efforts? Do you believe that the current government is focused on achieving EU membership?

Sebahat Tuncel: We, the DTP, are a determined supporter of the European Union membership process of Turkey because social and political reforms and changes in Turkey have not occurred easily and the implementation of reforms for the membership of the EU may help bring about positive change in Turkey. As it is known, Turkey is still administrated by a military coup Constitution. For instance, there is a law, the Law of Struggle Against Terror and it has been affecting the lives of all the Kurds, young and old alike. With the membership of the EU, this law can be reformed. Today, there are many Kurdish children are standing trial, facing a possible 25 year prison sentence, because they threw stones at Turkish police. There are almost 3,000 children who are standing trial for such accusations.

[...]

I have this feeling that the Turkish state doesn't want to come to terms with the reality... Denial is addictive, isn't it?

I am the one in charge, I do whatever I want!

The real head of the state, chief of general staff İlker Başbuğ recently visited the USA. The president and prime ministers of Turkey were just starting to send positive messages about peace, Gen. Başbuğ reminded them who is the man in charge. In response to PKK's ceasefire extension, the general said he doesn't care who says what, he is determined to seek, find, and destroy the PKK fighters. Right after the supreme general spoke, Prime Minister Erdoğan made a 180 turn and said "the PKK should lay down arms unconditionally" and ignored DTP's meeting request.

The government and it's politicians are used to being told by the generals what they should do and how they should act. The generals rule. Prime Minister Erdoğan was interrogated by Gen. Başbuğ back in 2004. This wasn't the only time the generals obedience-trained Erdoğan. Similarly, in 2006 Erdoğan was told by the supreme generals exactly how he should be acting and what he should be doing.

Here is the partial translation of Gen. Başbuğ's interview:

[...]
It is mentioned that based on PKK's ceasefire, the weapons must be silenced. There are also some that say TSK should stop the operations. For example, when TSK units come across PKK elements can TSK pretend they haven't seen them [PKK Guerillas]?

Nobody should give us advice on this matter. Neither I will stop nor will I wait for terrorists to come. On the contrary, I will go, seek, find, and destroy [The PKK]. [...]

[...]

Murat Karayılan's words were discussed a lot. What do you think?

I don't care. A terrotist and his words cannot define the process in Turkey. We are not going to take his [Murat Karayılan's] words into account. We focus on our work to finish terrorism.

[...]

Message to Barzani

Can there be an operation jointly conducted with Barzani and Talabani forces against PKK in North Iraq [South Kurdistan]? What do you say about North Iraq's oil flowing through Turkey?

If they are really friends and they want this organization to finish for their own safety as well they should be the first to conduct operations. Capacity of Kerkûk-Yumurtalık pipeline must be increased. In addition there can be a gas pipeline running in parallel to this pipeline.

The supreme general was in the USA, he was given his game plan. He is happy, the gun salesmen are happy. Everyone will get fatter on Kurdish blood.

TURKEY'S DIRTY WAR AGAINST THE KURDS

The German media hardly says much about Turkish state's terrorist acts on Kurds due to heavy trade between the two countries. The following article has made its way to Spiegel Online. You can read the full text here:

'We Used to Murder People at Night When the Soldiers Weren't Around'

By Daniel Steinvorth in Istanbul

When members of the special Turkish police unit Jitem arrived at night, Kurdish inhabitants of southeast Turkey knew there would be another disappearance. Investigators are now looking into the activities of this allegedly disbanded secretive organization from the 1990s -- and the 'death wells' where its victims were hidden.

[...]

Shot 'Like an Animal'

Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, thousands of civil rights activists, politicians and businesspeople suspected of having ties with the PKK were kidnapped and murdered. No one knows their exact number, and it was only in rare cases that the victims were even identified. Many corpses were dumped into wells; others were doused in acid and thrown into fields. The horror of the sight was meant to serve as a deterrent. But the majority disappeared without a trace and are still listed as missing.

One of the missing is the Kurdish construction worker Ramazan Solmaz. His wife Piroze last saw him on January 15, 1993. "He was on his way to work when they caught him," she says. "That's all I know. There are no traces, no clues. I'd just like to know where his body is. I just want to bury him." Piroze and a friend have put their faith in Cizre's bar association. "My husband, Selahattin, was shot in broad daylight in 1998 right on the street," say her friend, who is wearing a pitch-black version of the traditional Kurdish gown. "Just like that. Like an animal."

At the time, the women didn't even think about filing a criminal complaint. In Cizre, confronting those in power had its consequences. The powerful included not only the soldiers and the people from Jitem, but also members of the radical-Islamic Turkish Hezbollah, a militant Kurdish organization unrelated to the Lebanese Hezbollah. The war between the Turkish army and the PKK raged in the mountains surrounding Cizre. But in the city itself, it was this group that held power over life and death. A brutal leader of this clan named Kamil Atak once let himself be nominated to become mayor. As local politicians will tell you, the former shepherd used to take pleasure in "feeding" his captives to his Hezbollah fighters.

Spreading Fear and Anxiety

Even after the state of emergency was lifted in 2002, Atak remained under the protection of state security forces. Just over two months ago, on March 23, police arrested Atak as part of a nationwide operation after he garnered the attention of investigators working on the "Ergenekon" case. Soon after Atak's arrest, authorities also arrested Cemal Temizöz, a colonel in the military police, who also sowed fear and anxiety among the inhabitants of Cizre.

[...]

Jitem's Bestial Interrogation Methods

For the top brass in Turkey's military forces, the issue of Jitem remains taboo. The government continues to deny its existence. According to the semiofficial version, at least, the organization served as something like a "counterguerrilla" force against the PKK that completed its mission long ago and has since been disbanded. The last fact seems to have been confirmed by former Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz, when he claimed in a television interview that Jitem "no longer" existed.

By far the most comprehensive reports of Jitem's activities can be found in the memoirs of the organization's former agents. One of them is Abdülkadir Aygan, who now lives in Sweden. Aygan tells a shocking tale of having first been a member of the PKK before being recruited to work for Jitem. "We used to murder people at night during the long hours when the soldiers weren't around," Aygan says, describing Jitem's activities. "Many of the people we captured had been indicted by a court or the gendarmes," he adds. "But many of them had also been denounced by their completely normal fellow citizens. No one survived an interrogation by Jitem people."

[...]

Seeking Certainty and Closure

In the end, all the searching and inquiries of Ergül's brothers had been in vain. But after Aygan's confession, they did succeed in figuring out where Ergül had been dumped, where fishermen later hid his body and where his unidentified corpse had been buried in an anonymous grave not far from the lake. "Now we're waiting for the results of a DNA test," says Ergül's brother Ata. "Then we will finally have some certainty."

This is a sign of progress -- but there are also contradictory signals coming out of Turkey. For the first time, the country seems prepared to come to terms with its recent past. But even though light is now being thrown on the dirty war waged during that period, the war between the Turkish military and the PKK continues to rage. In military terms, the separatist movement has been significantly weakened, and its leader, Abdullah Öcalan, has been in prison for years. But it is still capable of launching deadly bomb attacks, such as the one in late April, when a remotely denoted bomb threw a military vehicle into the air, killing nine Turkish soldiers.

The government avoids talks with the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP), which has channels of communication with the PKK. Instead, in recent weeks, the government has preferred to impose order high-handedly by arresting more than 200 DT politicians.

One would think after all these came out the Turkish state would try to solve the Kurdish problem in a fair and just way. Alas, that's not the case.

Kurdish MPs Get Worse Treatment than State Terrorists

Turkey has always been a country of contradictions. Ahmet Altan's article summarizes the reality of contradictions nicely. Partial translation of his article dated 16 May 2006 is below:

[...]

Now we are up against a new issue.
Prosecutors want to question five DTP parliamentarians.
They [prosecutors] claim the crime these parliamentarians committed are "crimes against the state" and therefore is not covered under "immunity".

And a chain of strange events start...

One of the parliamentarians they want to take and try was in prison when she was elected. She became a candidate from the prison and because she was elected and "gained immunity" she was let go.

The "immunity" that parliamentarian has gained could get her out of prison but another prosecutor could say that her crimes was not covered under "immunity" and wanted to imprison her again.

The crime one of the parliamentarians had committed for which the parliamentarian wanted to be questioned was to say "Mr. Öcalan".

How is it a crime to call someone "Mr.", that's a mystery in itself, but...

The real funny thing is the fact that the other day a court has decided that the words "Mr. Öcalan" did not constitute a crime.

Courts says "it's not a crime" but prosecutor says "no no", "you don't know it, this is a crime".

Of course, there are also quite "grave" sides of the story.

Mehmet Ağar and Sedat Bucak [two Susurluk criminals who have blood of a lot of innocent Kurds on their hands] are on trial for the crime of "building a terror gang".

"Building a terror gang" is not a crime committed against the state but calling someone "Mr." is a crime against the state.

You obviously see that it is not the "law" that's important here but the "person".

Ağar is immune regardless of whatever he does because he is "the state's" man.

DTP parliamentarians are not immune because they are men of their peoples and the opposition.

Now, are we to call this jurisprudence?

DTP parliamentarians are saying that "we will not go to get questioned", "let the prosecutor come and take us."

Truth be told, everything is possible in Turkey but still I don't think the prosecutors will be crazy enough to raid the Parliament.

I don't know what they [prosecutors] will do but either DTP parliamentarians will sit at the Parliament and start an opposition or they [DTP Parliamentarians] will be taken into custody by the police as they leave the Parliament, like it happened in 1994 [also in 1991].

All these will happen during the time President Gül says "good things will happen".

[...]

As long as you break the laws as one of the thugs in state's heroin trade business then you are alright. If you actually try to do your duty as a parliamentarian and try to actually represent the people who elected you, then you will face all kinds of prosecutions! This is "the strong democracy in the region" for you.

Solution Discussions

Discussions are going on about peace talks between Kurds and Turkey. I thought I would present two opinions which I hope you will find interesting and worthwhile to read. The first one is partial translation of an article from Hasan Bildirici, published 10 May 2009 in Kurdistan Post, titled "Qandil Trip" (emphasis added by me):

[...]

Unilateral decision is enough to start a war however inadequate to end it. We have seen this clearly during various times when PKK declared unilateral cease fire. These attempts were left unanswered and didn't bear any fruit. It's easy to start a war, difficult to end it.

But every war has an end. The first World War lasted four, the second World War lasted six years. PKK and Turkish state have been at war for thirty years. It has been a long and tiring war. Babies held by Kurdish woman at demonstrations are now managing demonstrations, going to the mountains...

[...]

In discussions about solution to the Kurdish issue one method always gets my attention.

"PKK should unconditionally lay down arms and then discussions about solutions should start!"

This is a Turkish state solution. Even if some well known Kurdish personalities say it, to take arms from Kurds and then start talks is a Turkish solution. According to the official records, Kurds laid down arms 29 times, but there has been no solution. I don't believe those who say the result will not be the same for the 30th uprising.

[...]

PKK doesn't need to rush. PKK doesn't have a Kurdish problem, Turkish state has a Kurdish problem it needs to solve.

In conclusion, three things are very important.

First, to reduce the tension and to prevent degeneration and attacks the DTP and the PKK must include other Kurds in solution discussions and ask for their support...

Second, if PKK and Öcalan are not being accepted, the peace discussions should definitely be carried through DTP... As a party that won elections in Turkish system this is DTP's most legitimate and legal right...

Third, it's time to leave reporters' messages, behind the door meetings, facial gestures, and good intention wishes behind in solution discussions...

It's time for committees with clear composition and demands to meet and hold talks...

If not, there is no need to rush...

Turkish state didn't let anyone do anything about the illegitimate status of Cyprus for 35 years...

Kurdish problem is not Kurds problem, it is problem the Turkish state who usurped Kurdistan...

Let the Turkish state try to solve Kurdish problem for once without fraud, without lies...

I don't think the Turkish military wants the conflict to end. If Turkey wanted solution, they would halt operations for a while. On the contrary, Turkey says they want the problem to be solved while they conduct operations and pressure PKK who declared cease fire. Turkish military says they want the problem solved but yet the Chief of General Staff says "we are against collective cultural rights" in other words, no freedom for Kurdish language or any other cultural right for which Kurds have been going up to the mountains to begin with.

Here is another interesting piece; an interview with Michael Gunter published at Kurdish Media and titled "Dr Michael Gunter:It is not rational for Turkey to refuse to deal with the PKK" (emphasis added by me).

Gunter’s voice has always been one of balance and compromise, he explains “Therefore, the Kurds and their supporters must continue to press the Turkish state for the necessary reforms that will lead to Turkey’s EU accession and as a result help solve the Kurdish problem within the confines of a unitary but truly democratic Turkey. To help this process along, the PKK must not initiate any new violent and deadly attacks that would give the Turkish state the excuse to dismiss Kurdish reforms as unjustified. Indeed, the PKK should work toward winning a full and genuine amnesty from the state that would allow it to participate freely but peacefully in the political process. This can only happen if the PKK maintains its military capabilities until it is given the proper guarantees for genuine democracy. Otherwise, the PKK would be simply committing suicide.”

One has to ask. If PKK lays down arms prematurely would it be just their suicide or all the things that are Kurdish too? Given the history and nature of Turkish state, it would be both.

Turkish State Massacre

44 people were murdered in Zangirt (Bilge) Village of Merdîn (Mardin) province by government paramilitary forces, village guards (korucular) on 5 May 2009. The attackers used heavy weapons. 1200 rounds were fired. The weapons belonged to the state, so did the bullets.

The interesting thing is that the village which was attacked was only 5 minutes from the Gendarmerie station. A person survived the attack (later a few wounded survived too) and ran to the soldiers at the station. The soldiers simply said they couldn't go to the village. The military knew about this attack.

What did the military want, really? If there were no survivors, it would be bullseye because then the state could blame the massacre on the PKK. Especially now that there is pressure on Turkey to try and work for finding a solution to its Kurdish Question, a massacre blamed on PKK would give Turkey the upper hand in the international community. Does anyone remember Guclukonak massacre of 1996? You can read Who Committed The Guclukonak Massacre? by Bernice Ruben. Guclukonak massacre, committed by the state, was used as an excuse to end the ceasefire and was used to gain support for Turkey in the international community. Even the secretary of state then Adnan Ekmen has been saying for a while that it was the state who committed the massacre. Back in 1996, like today, there was a good chance for peace.

So you can say that the state didn't get what it wanted. Not quite true... Unfortunately, the state still won because it had 44 Kurds killed and the families of those who committed the murders are having to move out of Kurdistan. So, the state got some Kurds killed, some migrated, still a win.

So, what to call this Zangirt massacre? Hasan Bildirici, in his recent article, reasons:

Name of Massacre

Hasan Bildirici
6 May 2009

What would the headlines say in both Turkish and Kurdish media if PKK sympathizers, militia, or militants were to raid a village in Erzincan, Sivas, Yozgat, or Urfa and killed 44 people including pregnant women, children, and elderly?

"PKK massacre!"

What would be name of massacre if the Greek paramilitary, who are on government's payroll, raided an Aegean Turkish village and killed 44 people?

"Greek massacre!"

If a group of Armenian militia or soldiers were to raid an Azeri village in Karabag region and killed 44 people, what would be name of this massacre?

"Armenian massacre!"

How would Turkish media and its indecent satellites would weigh it when Turkish state's paramilitary who are on payroll (korucu) raid a village with guns belonging to the state and kill 44 people including children, pregnant women, and elderly with 1200 rounds?

Custom murder, feudal rule, culture of violence, lack of gun control... etc, etc...

If a PKK commander threw a civilian into an acid-well, this would be a PKK murder. When higher-ups of the state kill 17 thousand Kurdish civilians, they face the charge of "misuse of authority".

So, the state is clean; if those who commit murder in the name of state are exposed, they are bad... Turkish state, like God, cannot be criticized, touched, cannot be blamed for being a murderer...

Let's ask our question again:

What would be name of the the massacre in which 44 people were murdered if those who pulled the trigger were from PKK and the bullets were PKK bullets"

"PKK massacre!"

In Bilge [Zangirt] village massacre where 44 people were killed, the murderers who pulled the triggers are on pay from the Turkish state, the guns belong to the Turkish state, the bullets they used belong to the Turkish state; what is the name of this massacre?

"Turkish state massacre!"

Honest people, people who face events honestly and without cheating name the massacre right.

Bilge [Zangirt] village massacre is simply Turkish state massacre.

Those who are after destroying Kurds and everything about Kurds, those who arm the most uneducated with lowest morals and the most greed are the directors of massacre scenes.

There, in that village, ordinary Kurdish people met at a wedding.

There, in that Kurdish village, it could have been 44 Kurdish intellectuals and politicians left to the mercy of Turkish race barrels. A confident politician, trusting his friends around him, could have stood up to one of the korucular. Right then, 1200 korucular bullets would have hit 44 Kurdish intellectuals and politicians:

What would be name of this murder?

"Feudal Kurdish pride"?

The fact is this: Kurdish nation is unprotected against the Turkish race barrels. Kurdish nation is helpless enough to sit and watch pregnant women be massacred.

The truth must be told for the sake of 70 Kurdish children who were orphaned and for the sake of Kurdish fetus who died in their mothers' wombs:

This is a Turkish state massacre... Even if it's korucular shooting korucular...

Unless Kurdish people are protected from the Turkish state which arms the society's and state's bandits, such massacres will continue...

Turkish state massacre it is.

Prime Minister Erdoğan's Interrogation by Gen. İlker Başbuğ

Apparently Prime Minister Erdoğan was grilled by the Turkish General Staff on 15 January 2004 during a security briefing delivered by Gen. İlker Başbuğ who was Deputy Chief of General Staff at the time. Gen. Başbuğ is the current Chief of General Staff. The notes below were taken by Gen. Şener Eruygur who was commander of the Gendarmerie forces at the time. Gen. Eruygur is a suspect in the Ergenekon case because he ordered coup banner in 2003. The notes below are translated from a piece appeared in Taraf on 05 May 2009.

Başbuğ: Slow down the EU accession process

Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan was interrogated by Gen. İlker Başbuğ during a security briefing given by General Staff.

Başbuğ: In the past, you stated that you have learned from your experiences. Your actions don't reflect this.
Erdoğan: I improved while changing. The press is twisting stuff, black becomes white. We are respectful to the concept of secularity.

Başbuğ: Not stressing Turkishness [race] and bringing up the Turkish Citizenship [nationality] concept is extremely dangerous.
Erdoğan: We have no problem with Turkey's fundamental attributes. It upsets us that you worry about this.

Başbuğ: We are curious about whether you see democracy as a tool to make Turkey into a moderate Islamic country.
Erdoğan: We don't accept the danger of Islamist radicalism. Islam is my personal point of reference, not my party's.

Başbuğ: You didn't consult with us about the bills on Public Administration, Higher Education Commission [YÖK], Change of Municipality Borders.
Erdoğan: We are not against warnings and requests. We complied with your views on the Public Administration Bill.

Başbuğ: Endorsement of separatism must be avoided. One could act slower on European Membership process.
Erdoğan: If we can't be a member in December 2004, we will put plan B into play. If not either, we are talking with Russia.

It turns out that the generals, who gave "National Security Briefing" to Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan at the General Staff Headquarters requested that his government slow down the reforms for EU accession. The soldiers requested that Erdoğan block the news against TSK and tabled AKP's [Erdoğan's party] 2-year long activities including bills on Public Administration, Higher Education Commission [YÖK], Change of Municipality Borders, etc. down to selection of education officers in cities. The generals didn't stop with AKP's activities and requested that Erdoğan removes the "Turkish Citizenship" concept from his party's program.

"Your statements are contradictory"

The briefing took place on 15 January 2004 and the documents showing the record were captured with Şener Eruygur. [...] The records indicate that "presentations regarding federalism in Iraq, use of İncirlik base by foreign powers, Afghanistan, terror and radical Islamic activities, etc were made".

Gen. İlker Başbuğ, who was giving the briefing reminded Erdoğan of his talk on 24 August 2001 before he was elected. Erdoğan was reminded that he said "I believe to change is virtue". Başbuğ wanted to know how real Erdoğan's change was. [...] Başbuğ continued on to say "your activities will be evaluated. Başbuğ told Erdoğan "A democracy incapable of governing seems to be dominant in your statements and actions rather than a democracy that can govern" and continued:

"Block the news"

[Başbuğ continues on griping and blackmailing Erdoğan about trying to limit the power of military in administration, not consulting the military before making changes to laws or complying with their requests. The laws Başbuğ whines about include education and municipalities. Then he continues...] "There are activities going on in the press to deteriorate TSK's reputation. We know you have influence over the press and we want you to use it. If you cannot control them, then we expect you to oppose to them."

This should tell you why all Kurdish newspapers and TVs have been facing closure after closure. There is more:

[...]

"Turkish citizenship concept is dangerous"

İlker Başbuğ, aside from the governments activities, also made warnings about AKP's program: "The party's [AKP] program doesn't stress Turkishness but changes the term into "Turkish citizenship". This term is extremely wrong and dangrous."

Regarding PKK: "You need to share your policies regarding PKK with us as they are restructuring in Iraq. If you don't put a stand against PKK activities, our worry will increase."

İlker Başbuğ has another interesting request from Erdoğan: "There is need for political decisiveness in the Southeast [Kurdistan]. For example, you should have taken a stand against HAK-PAR's actions and the events developed so they would be shaken. It's your call." (Taraf's note: HAK-PAR caused a stir because it included "federalism" in its program. One week before the briefing, on 07 January 2004, Ankara Chief Prosecutor's office started an investigation against HAK-PAR).

After Gen. İlker Başbuğ the other commanders stated their positions as well. The commanders stated the following: "Our organizations are uncomfortable with activities that don't fit into the state structure defined by the Turkish constitution".

[The griping continues...]

When commanders asked Erdoğan to slow down the EU accession process, Erdoğan said this to the commanders: "If we cannot enter EU in December 2004, we will put plan B to play. But Turkey definitely has to be a member of a strong organization or has to lead another organization. I told Bush if we cannot join EU take us into NAFTA. If we cannot enter there [NAFTA] we will join and organization with Turkish Republics. We have talks with Russia."

"Our intentions are good, take us serious"

Chief of staff Gen. Hilmi Özkök in his first talk stated that the evaluations are not to cause stress but to present TSK's position to the related party. After listening to Erdoğan, Hilmi Özkök said: "Today we came here to tell you the issues that bother us. I hope that after our evaluations which were presented to you, the TSK will not be forced to take a stand on protecting the country's fundamental values. These statements and the warnings we make sometimes must be taken serious."

This briefing was on 15 January 2004. It appears this is where the first negotiations between AKP and TSK started and the courtship for AKPasha Inc. began. If you take a look at the notes from the security meeting between AKP and TSK on 4 January 2006 (two years later), you will see how things have evolved.

It should be evident now who really is in charge in Turkey and why the current administration is called the AKPasha Inc.