Give us the roadmap!

KCK Executive Council's leader Mr. Murat Karayılan spoke to Firat News Agency on 07 September 2009. Below is partial translation of the text. Full text of the interview can be read here.

Karayılan: Give us the roadmap [Öcalan's]!

HALİT ERMİŞ-ANF

Behdinan, 07 September 2009

The leader of the KCK Executive Council, Murat Karayılan asked that the roadmap submitted by Kurdish Leader Abdullah Öcalan be handed to them. Not receiving the roadmap could impact the unilateral conflict avoidance phase which is in effect by the PKK. Karayılan said "This is necessary for the conflict-avoidance to continue" and invited the government to take risks "for turning a historical page". Karayılan, who answered ANF's questions proposed [Nelson] Mandela and South Africa as a solution for Öcalan's situation. Karayılan stated that if operations [against PKK guerrillas] stopped there would be no losses, and reminded that their conflict-avoidance phase has been extended until the end of Ramadan. He stated again that he hoped for some positve steps within the two weeks left [until the end of Ramadan when conflict avoidance phase was extended recently].

*The roadmap Mr. Abdullah Öcalan submitted to the prosecution on 20 August [2009] is not yet given to the lawyers. What do you think about the fact that the roadmap is not given?

-The stand our people made in the 29 March [2009] local elections made it necessary to start a process for a democratic solution to the Kurdish Question. Based on this, as a movement, we started the conflict-avoidance phase on 13 April 2009. We extended this conflict-avoidance phase a few times to date. Our leader [Mr. Öcalan] stated that he would turn in the roadmap to both sides in order to transform the current process into a permanent democratic solution process. The media reported this and it became public knowledge. Our leader's roadmap is a roadmap submitted to the Turkish state, our movement, and the public so that the democratic solution turns into a permanent process.

The roadmap must be given to us

Our leader turned in the roadmap, the state took it. The state is reading the roadmap and determining it's politics accordingly. It toughens it's stand, takes measures accordingly. The state makes some speeches that constitute a response. But the state didn't give the roadmap to us or the public. If the Turkish state wants to solve this problem permanently, first it must quit such approaches. Hiding the solution formula prepared by the most important actor, meant for solution, and turning in for the stakeholders will not help the solution. Especially taking the solution formula and benefiting from it without giving it to others is not only unlawful but also not moral either. If they were not going to share the roadmap, they could have not taken it. They could say that they are not taking it. But they took it; they are benefiting from it; they are confiscating it. This is a stand that doesn't help a solution. In other words, this is a continuation of the mentality that doesn't care about Kurds and that says "I can do whatever I want." A solution can't be developed with this logic, with this approach.

I would like to state clearly again: If the state of the Turkish Republic and its government, at this stage in history, want a permanent solution to the Kurdish question, they should give up on these kinds of policies. In other words, they need to quit the policy that ignores Kurds and the Kurdish will and give us the roadmap.

It will affect the conflict-avoidance phase

*In this case [the state not giving Mr. Öcalan's roadmap], how will the conflict-avoidance phase will evolve?

-We extended the conflict-avoidance phase until the end of Ramadan festivities for two reasons. The first reason is the respect we have for Ramadan. The second reason is that we expect the Turkish state to give us the roadmap during this time. Hiding the roadmap and not giving it [to us] will hurt the discussion environment. The process will not move forward without the roadmap. Let me put it clearly: it will be very problematic for us to extend the conflict-avoidance phase. Of course we are discussing the events from every angle. It is obvious that the current phase will face serious difficulties and problems unless the roadmap reaches us by some means. We too have sensitivities, we have a base, we have different organizations, forces. They [the state] say there is the army, the army will do this and that. We have an army too. There are organizations and matters we have to consider. We have to consider all these phenomena. Therefore, such approaches are not right. Our people make demonstrations for this and demand. Our people's expectation, our movement's and democratic organizations' expectation is that the state gives the roadmap right away. Because this is necessary for the continuation of the process. Not giving the roadmap, despite these, will mean that the state doesn't want a solution. Then it is up to them whether to give it or not.

[...]

*The initiative that started as the "Kurdish initiative", later turned into the "democratic initiative, and lastly stated as "national unity project," is going on with intensive discussions. What does the change of names reflect in terms of correct comprehension of the problem and its solution?

-First, our movement's initiative on starting the process, then our leader's talks, and then our statements aimed to the public media, put the need for a democratic solution to the Kurdish question in Turkey on the agenda. The president's words, "good things will happen," and the government officials' words gave hope to people. An expectation and impression was created that the Turkish state would now try to solve the problem in a different way. But then, the process was slowly pulled back. First they said "Kurdish initiative," then they said "democratic initiative" and now they converted it to "national unity project." For example, the minister [of interior Mr. Beşir Atalay] spoke on the matter for 50 minutes without interruption, then for about 50 more minutes he answered questions but he was so careful that he didn't use the word "Kurd".

[...]

What kind of a unity is this that it's being protected by a force 400 thousand strong! Another point is that these forces [state's] defend a narrow, nationalistic, and racist line. These forces insist on 20th century's politics rather than today's. These forces often talk about unity. They talk about unity and brotherhood. What kind of a unity is this that it is being protected by a force of 400 thousand soldiers, police, and paramilitary guards [korucular]. If there is unity and brotherhood why have so many soldiers been placed in Kurdistan? According to the state's official figures, until now 40 thousand people died. That means this unity is being held up by weapons and killing. Now the problem is to transform this forced unity into a voluntary one.

[...]

What kind of a brotherhood is this!

You reject Kurdish identity and oppress Kurds and then talk about brotherhood. What kind of brotherhood is this? My language, culture, history, and names are forbidden, I can't own my identity but you say you are brothers. You say Kurds are our brothers but forbid everything belonging to them. This is slavery, slavery by force. We are in the 21st century and the Kurdish people have been enlightened with Apocu culture will not accept this [slavery]. Forcing slavery under the name of brotherhood and doing this by spilling blood with police batons and soldiers' weapons has nothing to do with brotherhood. In the current era this is not possible either. MHP and CHP need to understand this.

[...]

Empathy

[...]

You [the state] say that yours are martyrs, but the Kurdish people see you as the invading forces. You say you are protecting the homeland and dieing for the homeland, but the Kurdish people think their language, culture, and homeland are under invasion. There are people who go up to the mountains [join the guerrillas] for their honor, pride, and culture. These people give up everything. Haven't the people who put their lives on the line for their belief, ideals, and honor done so for a more sacred cause? If you compare in this way the martyrdom of Kurdish people, freedom guerrillas' are martyrdoms for protecting the Kurdish reality and for freedom of the Kurdish people, and they see this as a more sacred cause. Everyone has their reality but the important thing is to see the reality through the other side's eyes.

There is nothing more sacred and honorable than taking all the risks in Kurdistan and putting your life on the line for your language, identity, culture, and the people's freedom.

[...]

*As the KCK, you are in a conflict-avoidance position since April [2009]. However, the Turkish state didn't take a step and there has been no work for identifying representatives. Mr. Erdoğan and the general staff signaled, during the last meeting, that this wouldn't happen [reciprocating conflict-avoidance and identifying a representative for the Kurdish side in talks]. How would the continuation of this policy affect the conflict-avoidance phase?

-For the next two weeks we will analyze the other side's stand and approach to the issues. We want to learn if the state really wants to solve the problem. If they want to solve it, how they are planning to solve it. There were some well-meaning words. Some nice and fancy speeches were given. But like I said before, the process narrowed down and pulled back. It's obvious that the problem cannot be solved with this kind of approach. Therefore, we want to learn what the state truly wants to do.

If there is a policy to be devious again, this will bring great disasters. There are talks in various sections of the society. The press is maturing but, on the other hand, the state hinders the process by red lines. The observation is that there are some other things the state is seeing. For example, the military is getting ready. The minister of foreign affairs is visiting many places for some preparation. The state's representatives come to the south [South Kurdistan, Iraq] and try to convince people for their solution. They [the state] are trying very hard to find grounds for their official policies and sideline the PKK and the leader of Kurdish people [Mr. Öcalan]. This is very dangerous.

[...]

They are saying the DTP is being very rough. What has DTP done? In fact DTP says how the problem can be solved. DTP says that there cannot be a solution by sidelining the PKK and leader Apo, who represent millions of people. This is a reality! As this is not being rough or soft, it is not being close or far from the PKK either. It's stating a truth directly.

[...]

I say what's in Kurds' hearts. I am putting my life on the line for their interests. Even if you raise heavens, you can't separate my people and I from each other. You can kill, destroy, oppress, but this movement and its leadership will always have a big place in the Kurdish people's heart. You have to know this. You cannot separate this. Today the things leader Apo says from İmralı [prison] are what someone in Amed's cafe's, Hakkari's plains, and Dersim would say. The reality is this: the Kurdish people have established a unity with its leader and movement.

[...]

If you see my cultural values as divisive then how am I going to unify with you?

We ask if you [the state] are going to end the animosity against the Kurdish people's leadership, values, language, culture, and name. If you are going to end this animosity, let us see it in practice. The state officials talk but we don't see anything positive in practice. Can the AKP government say, "Look, we have been developing the process for the past thee months and we have done this and that"? They keep talking about TRT6 [state owned TV station broadcasting in Kurdish]. You started TRT6 but why are there so many prohibitions still in place? A poet in Kurdish history, Cigerxwin, is a very important person for the Kurdish people. The state considers it divisive that a municipality wants to name a library after Cigerxwin. If you see my cultural values as divisive, then how am I going to unify with you? In fact, what you are doing is divisive. Why don't you see it? It's divisive to ignore and sideline the Kurdish people and belittle and disrespect their values.

[...]

Nobody should miscalculate

It's being said that the international conditions are against us. No; that may be your opinion and it may seem that way to you. There is also the side that's visible to us. In this respect, we have reserves and potential to defend ourselves and advance our cause for years. Nobody should make miscalculations on this and approach correctly. We don't talk big. But we are not a simple force either. We are a force that successfully stood up, renewed itself, got stronger, and strengthened its belief and decisiveness despite the attacks against us, supported internationally. In this respect we are in a position in which we have established high morale and motivation, increased belief and decisiveness, and strengthened tenacity for success. I have to state that those who couldn't weaken us during the most difficult years [for us], of 1999-2004, can't ever weaken us today. There is no way for a movement that didn't weaken during that term to weaken today. [...] There are powers interested in conflict and no solution for the Kurdish question. But we are saying that we have to solve our problem ourselves before there is further wear between us. Our people's interests require this. This is to Turkey's benefit. It has to be seen correctly.